OPINION:
Choice sells, in politics and in the supermarket. Distinct choices on the shelf attract our attention to a product category, engage and involve us, and increase the chances we’ll make a purchase. In other words, choice drives consumption.
The same is true of the political marketplace. With no incumbent running, the unprecedented turnouts in primary states reflect the genuine choice Democratic voters see on the ballot. The level of choice and uncertainty about who will prevail has fueled heavy media coverage and grassroots activism that add to voter interest.
Choice and uncertainty also spawn fierce competition. The result of the winner-take-all political system is that politicians trailing in the polls become more desperate as the day of reckoning approaches. They flood the airwaves with negative ads, especially in closely fought states like Pennsylvania and Indiana where the margin of victory has become as important as who wins.
Negative ads ask us to vote against someone rather than for someone. This lesser-of-two-evils approach to political marketing inevitably breeds cynicism and sometimes backfires, but it often works against new candidates who haven’t yet locked down their supporters firmly enough to withstand the barrage.
And, with no prospect of another debate to score points, and with Barack Obama trying to stay positive and clinging to the moral high ground by staying positive, the underdog Clinton campaign will remain relentless in its advertising attacks on Mr. Obama.
First, there are fear appeal ads, such as the 3 a.m. phone call, designed to worry voters about Mr. Obama’s lack of experience. Then there are the guilt-by-association ads that include footage of the Rev. Jeremiah Wright. Next are the roll-your-own ads that exploit gaffes or contradictions using the candidate’s own words. Finally, there is the occasional policy comparison ad that contrasts the two candidates’ points of view. But, with minimal policy differences separating Hillary Clinton and Mr. Obama, the emphasis is inevitably on character and emotion, experience versus change.
In the Republican race, the better-known John McCain used negative ads effectively to bury the better-financed Mitt Romney in Florida. These negative ads were complemented by positive ads burnishing Mr, McCain’s record. The ads ran in the final days before the Florida primary, leaving Mr. Romney little time to respond. Finally, Mr, McCain used high-profile surrogates such as Gov. Charlie Crist to reinforce concerns about his opponent.
Unlike politicians, companies hardly ever run negative ads. Pepsi ads don’t tear down Coca Cola; they build the brand image of Pepsi. Why? A tit-for-tat war of words would turn off consumers of both brands. And sales growth, not just market share, is what puts money in shareholders’ pockets.
As the market leader, Coke would never give the underdog Pepsi the benefit of a mention in its ads. For its part, Pepsi would worry that negative ads against Coke would say more to consumers about the character of Pepsi than Coke.
And when Pepsi did famously “challenge” Coke 20 years ago, it was with blindfolded consumers choosing between two unlabeled samples, as close as you could get to a scientific test. The Coke and Pepsi formulas are different and appeal to different consumers, but they are what they are. A Pepsi today is the same as a Pepsi tomorrow. A Pepsi in Boston is the same as a Pepsi in Los Angeles.
Political brands, on the other hand, are works in progress and consistency is not always their strong suit. Nor, based on past evidence, is their ability to deliver on the brand promise, once elected, a strong suit.
So, no matter how many voters are turned off, no matter how much ammunition they provide Republicans in the general election, negative ads will rule the airwaves until the Democrats select their nominee.
John A. Quelch is a professor and senior associate dean at Harvard Business School and author of the recently published book “Greater Good: How Good Marketing Makes for Better Democracy.”
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